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Veritatis Splendor or Veritatis Peccator?

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Recently I posted “Darwin at Columbine,” in which I pointed out that Eric Harris, a great fan of Charles Darwin, believed he had evolved to a higher plane of existence and that his killing of his “inferior” classmates was the work of natural selection.  I hoped to spark a debate about whether Harris’ understanding of Darwinism is an aberration with no relation to the theory, or a logical (if perhaps misguided) extension of the theory.   The debate that ensued discussed this topic at a high level and I wish to congratulate the commenters on both sides for their insights into the issue and the general civility of the discussion.

I wish to respond, however, to one commenter who suggested that by pointing out the connection between Darwin and the (up until then) worst school shooting in history I was making cheap rhetorical points.  He even said in so many words that my post was “sinful.” 

I took the accusation seriously and examined both my actions and my motives.  Had I violated one of the injunctions or proscriptions of the moral code?  If so, which one?

Certainly I did not stray from the truth.  I have first hand knowledge of the matter about which I spoke, and I know for a certainty that what I said was true.

The truth is good and it is good to speak it (Veritatis Splendor).  Yet, my accuser said I sinned when I spoke the truth.  Can the truth also be sinful (Veritatis Peccator)?

No, the truth cannot be sinful.  It is always good.  Nevertheless, one can offend in the WAY in which one speaks the truth.  The truth, which is good in itself, must nevertheless be spoken in love in order to avoid giving unnecessary offense. 

Did I give unnecessary offense in my message?  I do not think so.  I merely pointed out the facts; I do not think any reasonable person could suggest that my post was inflamatory or rude.

Was the truth offensive to some?  Undoubtedly.  But that is not the point.  Scripture tells us that the truth (and the Truth) will be an offense to many.  We are nevertheless enjoined to speak the truth even though it offends.  At the same time we must strive to ensure that it is the truth (i.e., the message) and not us (i.e., the messenger) that is the cause of the offense. 

When I deposed the killers’ parents I struggled with this issue.  The depositions dragged on for day after day after day with my clients sitting  in the same small conference room with the parents of the men who slaughtered their children.   My clients were willing to endure this ordeal because they wanted to get at the bottom of what happened.  They were seeking truth.  At the same time I was not insensitive to the Harrises’ and Klebolds’ anguish as they answered my questions.  I would be less than candid if I did not admit there were times I thought about not following up on a particularly disturbing line of questions.  It was painful for them; it was painful for me; it was painful for my clients.  But I knew that if I gave in to this temptation I would  be shirking my duty, not only to my clients but also to the cause of justice and truth.

Yes, sometimes the truth does hurt, as the cliche goes.  But we must have the courage to face it and follow it wherever it leads.  In the case of my post, the moral implications of Darwin’s theory are there for all to see.  Eric Harris was a brilliant young man (Dylan Klebold was a follower, more or less along for the ride).  Harris paid attention in class and he learned both Darwin and Nietzsche (and wrote about both in his journal). He put two and two together and got “kill everyone whom I deem to be inferior.”  In our public school system Harris was steeped in the moral darkness and nihilism of Darwin and Nietzsche.  Tragically, he was not exposed to any countervailing influences,  He took what he learned and, however misguided his actions were, he acted upon his lessons.

This is the lesson of Columbine at least insofar as our schools are concerned:  It is very dangerous to spout untempered nihilism in class, because someone just might take you seriously and act on your lesson.

Is it wrong or even sinful for me to point this out?  I don’t think so.

Comments
getawitness wrote, "StephenB, in [44] above, are you arguing that Wikipedia has its facts wrong regarding the Treaty of Tripoli? If not, I fail to see your point." My point is that this is just more of the politically correct nonsense thast I have been complaining about. The statement in question was to assure a radically religious (Muslim) government that America would not depose that government and impose Christianity by force. From Gary Demar: 'A survey of the state constitutions, charters, national pronouncements, and official declarations of the thirteen state governments would convince any representative from Tripoli that America was a Christian nation by law. The Constitution itself states that it was drafted, as noted above, “In the year of our Lord.” The American consul in Algiers had to construct a treaty that would assure the ruler of Tripoli that troops would not be used to impose Christianity on a Muslim people. A study of later treaties with Muslim nations seems to support this conclusion. The 1816 “Treaty of Peace and Amity with Algiers” is a case in point: “It is declared by the contracting parties, that no pretext arising from religious opinions shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony between the two nations; and the Consuls and the Agents of both nations shall have liberty to celebrate the rights of their prospective religions in their own houses" It’s obvious that by 1805 the United States had greater bargaining power and did not have to bow to the demands of this Muslim stronghold. A strong navy and a contingent of Marines also helped. But it wasn’t until Madison’s presidency that hostilities finally stopped when he declared war against Algiers. More from Demar: "Those who use the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli as a defense against the Christian America thesis are silent on the 1805 treaty. For example, Alan Dershowitz cites the 1797 Treaty as “the best contemporaneous evidence” against claims that the United States was founded as a Christian nation,15 but he makes no mention of the 1805 treaty and other treaties that are specifically Trinitarian." "If treaties are going to be used to establish the religious foundation of America, then it’s essential that we look at more than one treaty. In 1783, at the close of the war with Great Britain, a peace treaty was ratified that began with these words: “In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity. It having pleased the Divine Providence to dispose the hearts of the most serene and most potent Prince George the Third, by the Grace of God King of Great Britain. . . .”16 The treaty was signed by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay. Keep in mind that it was Adams who signed the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli." In 1822, the United States, along with Great Britain and Ireland, ratified a “Convention for Indemnity Under Award of Emperor of Russia as to the True Construction of the First Article of the Treaty of December 24, 1814.” It begins with the same words found in the Preamble to the 1783 treaty: “In the name of the Most Holy and Indivisible Trinity.” Only Christianity teaches a Trinitarian view of God. The 1848 Treaty with Mexico begins with “In the name of Almighty God.” The treaty also states that both countries are “under the protection of Almighty God, the author of peace. . . .” If one line in the 1797 Treaty of Tripoli turns America into a secular State (which it does not), then what can we say of the treaties of 1783, 1822, 1805, and 1848 and the state constitutions? So, does that answer you question about how trustworthiness of Wikipedia as a resource for American History.StephenB
November 12, 2007
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Christmas is one of the 4 original holidays established by the Federal government for all the land in 1870. Another is Thanksgiving which has religious overtones. Who are we thanking? Mother nature?jerry
November 12, 2007
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Carl Saches, "I prefer (1) over (2), on the grounds that killing other people is an example of artificial selection, not natural selection." But humans are natural entities, just like lions and wolves. What is the difference between "artificial" and "natural" in your mind except so say that "artificial" means "something that humans do"?mike1962
November 12, 2007
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Carl wrote, “I thought intelligent design was a scientific issue, not a religious one.” It's both. It's scientific idea with "religious" implications, perhaps, but not necessarily. At any rate, it's irrelevent with respect the Constitution. Whatever ID is it is not an "establishment of religion" in any way that would require its banning from public schools. ID is not a religion.mike1962
November 12, 2007
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For those who think that the Establishment Clause forbids the FedGov from fostering religion or churches in general, conside the fact that the government does not tax churches and all religious organizations. Is that "respecting religion" or not? Not according the SCOTUS. Granted, the SCOTUS does not have a consistent track record on this issue, overall. But it's a fact that religious organizations are "respected" with regards to taxation. No churches are respected above anothing. They are all treated alike, christian, jewis, muslin, wicca, zoroastrian, and voudin, in contradistinction to non-religion entities. Congress most certain has respected religion in the general sense, and they've been "getting away with it" since the beginning. This is the true index of the nature of the Establishment Clause. It's purpose was to prohibit a national church. When the SCOTUS bans prayers from occuring in congress every morning, I'll start taking seriously the argument that the founders really wanted to BAN religion in general from public institutions.mike1962
November 12, 2007
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nullasalus and BarryA, Thanks for those straightforward and generous answers. All I want is for everybody to be treated the same. (FWIW, I have heard that Wiccans may be overrepresented in the armed services, mainly because of demographic issues.)getawitness
November 12, 2007
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The best information I could find suggests there are about 50,000 Wiccans in the United States, surely only a tiny fraction (perhaps at most a few hundred) of those are in the armed forces. And those few hundred are spread over an armed forces population of a couple million. I'm not sure I'm oppossed to Wiccan chaplains in principle. But I don't think they can be justified on a cost/benefit/prudential analysis.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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"Also, nobody has taken up my notion that government support of faith-based charities must support Muslim, Wiccan, Buddhist etc. charities on the same terms as they support Christian and Jewish charities now." I can't speak for anyone other than myself, obviously. But have you noticed that the Intelligent Design issue is one that has muslims, protestants, Catholics, mormons, and even to a degree buddhists, shintoists, hindus, (and naturally, some agnostics) jointly considering the subject, without trying to exclude each other? As far as wiccan chaplains go - are you against them being in the armed services? Personally, I'm no fan of wicca (I don't believe it's 'evil', just.. let's leave it at 'no fan'), but if a soldier claims to be a wiccan, what am I expected to say? "No"?nullasalus
November 12, 2007
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StephenB, in [44] above, are you arguing that Wikipedia has its facts wrong regarding the Treaty of Tripoli? If not, I fail to see your point. Also, nobody has taken up my notion that government support of faith-based charities must support Muslim, Wiccan, Buddhist etc. charities on the same terms as they support Christian and Jewish charities now. I guess everybody's ok with that, just like we're all ok with Wiccan chaplains in the armed services.getawitness
November 12, 2007
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Carl wrote, "I thought intelligent design was a scientific issue, not a religious one." It is a scientific issue, but we must contend with judges who want to characterize it as a religious issue, now don’t we? Beyond that failed attempt at a “gotcha,” do you have anything relevant to say about the main point of my post? Do you dispute my interpretation of the establishment clause and, if so, what is your rationale.StephenB
November 12, 2007
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"That means it will say nothing about school prayer, nothing about intelligent design, nothing about religious displays, nothing about posting the Ten Commandments, nothing about preventing muslims and atheists from being offended. NOTHING- NOTHING-NOTHING." This sounds like an argument against tax breaks for churches.getawitness
November 12, 2007
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"Darwinism may pose an interesting sort of challenge insofar as it invites questions about how morality came into existence; it says nothing at all about why we should be moral, or what morality consists in." Not quite. The fact that you don't look to darwinism for any moral cues doesn't mean that no one can do exactly that. Saying 'darwinism is not a worldview' doesn't automatically remove everyone who does claim to take their philosophy from darwinism. Darwinism certainly -can- say something about why we should be moral, or what constitutes morality. As a matter of fact, that idea has a rather popular social history. Say they're wrong, perhaps. Argue why. But pretending that this doesn't happen (and, frankly, won't happen again) is intentionally ignoring reality.nullasalus
November 12, 2007
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In one sense of course killing is a natural act. So is a rock falling off a hilltop. That's not the point. The point is that a scientific theory about the causes of biological change tells us nothing -- nothing at all -- about what we may or may not do to each other. Darwinism may pose an interesting sort of challenge insofar as it invites questions about how morality came into existence; it says nothing at all about why we should be moral, or what morality consists in. You see, although I am a Darwinist, Darwinism is not a "world-view," and where we're disagreeing, perhaps, is that you want to inflate it into one. Darwinism is of course consistent with my world-view, but it is not the basis of it. A more subtle point, but an even more important one, concerns the location of norms and values in the natural world. There is a temptation to reason as follows: there is no room for anything like norms or values within a purely naturalistic conception of the world; therefore, either there are norms and values but they are non-natural, or there are no norms and values at all. Taking the first option yields a tradition that runs from Platonism to Christianity and beyond, etc. Taking the second option yields nihilism. But this opposition -- Christianity vs nihilism -- takes place only on the basis of an assumption that norms and values have no place within the natural world. On this assumption, the natural and the normative exclude one another. Whereas what I am interested in doing is rejecting that assumption. This is why I've become so fascinated lately with John Dewey: because Dewey argues for a naturalistic metaphysics in which values are 'built in', so to speak. They are not 'absolutes,' of course -- they couldn't be. In one remarkable sentence, Dewey writes, "values are as unstable as the forms of clouds." As unstable -- yes -- but also as real and as natural as "the forms of clouds". In terms of progress: I would say that progress is measured by the increase or decrease of the sphere of human recognition. We today recognize the humanity of African-Americans -- a recognition that was denied to their ancestors. It is contrast between the present and the past, not between the present and an imagined future, that indicates whether or not progress has occurred. Although such recognition still has some ways to go, as measures go, it's not a bad one. Now, is there a standard? As I've said a few times before, I think there is: the exercise and cultivation of human capabilities. Human beings are not "merely" animals; we're brilliant, creative, passionate, needy, destructive, fascinating animals. Some societies provide better and more opportunities for the realization of our capacities -- capacities for love, for play, for community, for individual development, for knowledge, for art -- than others. As objective standards go, that's good enough for me. The question "but how do you know that it's the right standard?" leaves me as unmoved as does the question "how do you know you're not a brain in a vat?" We're all pragmatists at some level; the differences concern where we draw the line and say that some questions just aren't interesting to us anymore.Carl Sachs
November 12, 2007
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Thanks Barry. I guess we shouldn't be giving the clown brigade ideas though.Jason Rennie
November 12, 2007
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Jason, what you say is true, and that is one of the arguments that carried the day in the disestablishment debates. The important thing to keep in mind from a constitutional perspective is that all of the states with established churches disestablished them on policy grounds, not constitutional grounds. In other words, they disestablishyed their churches because, as you say, an established church is a stupid idea, not becuase they thought the First Amendment required them to do so.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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"Summary: The federal constitution did not establish a strictly secular system of government." The real irony, especially for people making a big deal out of it, is that historically if you look at Europe, the one thing most likely to kill and reduce the church to irrelevance is the establishment of a state church. If atheists really wanted to see religion off, then they would argue for the establishment of a state church and the suppression of all non-state churches. It is those non-state sponsored churches that are independent and run off their own back that cause all the trouble ;) But who expects the noisy idiots in question to know any history. It isn't like they know any philosophy or theology either ;)Jason Rennie
November 12, 2007
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"If “the objectivity of morality is found in human social relations, practices, and institutions”, how can these things progress? If society is what objectifies morality, it cannot progress, since there is no goal, nor can it obtain new knowledge about what is moral, since ther is no moral knowledge outside of it. And, by the way, what makes you say that ending slavery was progress, rather than a step backwards?" Actually Stephen it is even worse that you suggest. It is certianly true that is society is the ultimate standard of right and wrong that moral progress becomes essentially impossible (what do you measure it against ?), but the problem is even worse than that and has an even more counter intuitive result. If society is the final arbiter of right and wrong, then it means that someone like Martin Luther King that worked for moral reform in the South, was actually doing a moral wrong by going against the societal understanding of what is right. Are people really willing to bite the bullet and contend that Martin Luther King was doing a grave moral evil by pushing for civil rights changes and action ? If society is the ultimate standard then he was.Jason Rennie
November 12, 2007
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BTW, in my previous post I jumped past the issue of which is to be preferred as a means of finding meaning in a text as between the Humpty Answer and the Ludwig Answer. It is so obvious as to be almost a truism that the Ludwig Answer must be preferred.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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Specs states: “I gather from your posts that you are something of an constitutional originalist and are not inclined to defer (philosophically, at least) to the more recent case law on the subject.” Well yes and no. I understood the question we were discussing to be: “Did the drafters and ratifiers of the 1789 Constitution and the Bill of Rights understand that the text they enacted as the fundamental law of the nation established a secular nation?” Of course, that is a completely different question from “What is the state of Supreme Court Religion Clause jurisprudence?” My discussion up until now has focused on the first question. Obviously, when I am arguing a constitutional case in court, I “defer” as, as you say, to more recent case law. Now to your questions. Once again they are not germane. The only important issue is “What does the text mean?” Before we can answer that question we must answer a more basic question: What does it mean to mean? There are two possible answers to this question. I call them the “Humpty Answer” and the “Ludwig Answer.” First the Humpty Answer: From “Through the Looking-Glass and What Alice Found There,” Lewis Carroll, chapter VI, Humpty Dumpty “You’re holding it upside down!” Alice interrupted. “To be sure I was!” Humpty Dumpty said gaily, as she turned it round for him. “I thought it looked a little queer. As I was saying, that seems to be done right – though I haven’t time to look it over thoroughly just now – and that shows that there are three hundred and sixty-four days when you might get un-birthday presents –” “Certainly,” said Alice. “And only one for birthday presents, you know. There’s glory for you!” “I don’t know what you mean by ‘glory,’” Alice said. Humpty Dumpty smiled contemptuously. “Of course you don’t – till I tell you. I meant ‘there’s a nice knock-down argument for you!’” “But ‘glory’ doesn’t mean ‘a nice knock-down argument,’” Alice objected. “When I use a word,” Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, “it means just what I choose it to mean – neither more nor less.” “The question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.” “The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, “which is to be master – that’s all.” Alice was too much puzzled to say anything, so after a minute Humpty Dumpty began again. “They’ve a temper, some of them – particularly verbs, they’re the proudest – adjectives you can do anything with, but not verbs – however, I can manage the whole of them! Impenetrability! That’s what I say!” “Would you tell me, please,” said Alice “what that means?” “Now you talk like a reasonable child,” said Humpty Dumpty, looking very much pleased. “I meant by ‘impenetrability’ that we’ve had enough of that subject, and it would be just as well if you’d mention what you mean to do next, as I suppose you don’t mean to stop here all the rest of your life.” “That’s a great deal to make one word mean,” Alice said in a thoughtful tone. “When I make a word do a lot of work like that,” said Humpty Dumpty, “I always pay it extra.” “Oh!” said Alice. She was too much puzzled to make any other remark. “Ah, you should see `em come round me of a Saturday night,” Humpty Dumpty went on, wagging his head gravely from side to side: “for to get their wages, you know.” (Alice didn’t venture to ask what he paid them with; and so you see I can’t tell you.) Then there is the Ludwig Answer, which is much easier to explain. Ludwig Wittgenstein famously said: “the meaning of a word is its use in a language.” Note that while Wittgenstein was a 20th century philosopher, his insight is timeless. So, then, what does the text of the Establishment Clause mean? The words of the text have the common everyday meaning of those who used them at the time they were proposed, debated and ratified. In the case of the Establishment Clause, finding this meaning is not difficult. Again, the clause says “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion . . .” “Congress” means the federal legislative branch. “shall make no law” means that the federal legislative branch is prohibited from enacting a certain class of laws. “respecting” means “concerning” or “having to do with.” “an establishment of religion” means creating a national church such as the national church in England (i.e., the Church of England). Putting it all together we see that the the clause means that the federal government is prohibited from passing any law that would tend to establish a particular religion as the official religion of the country. Now, having established the meaning of the text, we can test our conclusions by reference to what the founders actually did after they passed the Establishment Clause. And sure enough, we find that the first Congress did not establish a national church. It did, however, support religion generally, as, for example, when it passed the Northwest Ordinance, established paid chaplains in the armed forces, provided for prayer at legislative sessions, established days of prayer and fasting, etc. etc. Moreover, everyone understood that the Establishment Clause did not apply to the states. Indeed, on its face it applies only to Congress. During the various state disestablisment debates no one argued that the federal Constitution required states to disestablish their churches. Summary: The federal constitution did not establish a strictly secular system of government.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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"I thought intelligent design was a scientific issue, not a religious one." Glad to see another person admit as much. =)nullasalus
November 12, 2007
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It will say nothing about school prayer, nothing about intelligent design, nothing about religious displays, nothing about posting the Ten Commandments, nothing about preventing muslims and atheists from being offended. NOTHING-NOTHING-NOTHING.
I thought intelligent design was a scientific issue, not a religious one.Carl Sachs
November 12, 2007
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aleezimm: Let me clue you in on something. Wikipedia is a politically correct website. You cannot allow your education on matters of constitutional law to rest there. If you had read the Federalist papers, and all the other founding documents, indeed if you had read the constitutions of all the various states, you would not be asking these questions. Wikipedia can't even discuss intelligent design without resorting to heavy-handed criticism. On the other hand, it treats the theory of evolution as if it was Sacred Scripture. Wise up!StephenB
November 12, 2007
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I prefer (1) over (2), on the grounds that killing other people is an example of artificial selection, not natural selection. If humanity is simply a natural product of the the natural world, why are his activities less natural than, say, carpenter ants? Is it a difference in quality, not just quantity? BTW, I'm still waiting for an answer to my questions from earlier threads. If “the objectivity of morality is found in human social relations, practices, and institutions”, how can these things progress? If society is what objectifies morality, it cannot progress, since there is no goal, nor can it obtain new knowledge about what is moral, since ther is no moral knowledge outside of it. And, by the way, what makes you say that ending slavery was progress, rather than a step backwards? Just to clarify - I am not trying to argue that an objective morality would not be subject to change. I am arguing that the objective foundation of morality cannot ‘progress’ or ‘improve’ since these are moral judgments. What could you possibly use to judge the morality of a change in what things are moral?StephenA
November 12, 2007
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specs: What is it about the phrase "We are endowed by Our Creator" that fails to resonate with you. Also, what is it about the phrase "congress shall pass no law," that does not register? Does it matter what comes after that phrase? What if it said, congress shall pass no law with respect to "x?" Does it matter what "x" is? No. It means the governent will keep its meddlesome selfs out of the equation entirely. It will do nothing! That means it will say nothing about school prayer, nothing about intelligent design, nothing about religious displays, nothing about posting the Ten Commandments, nothing about preventing muslims and atheists from being offended. NOTHING-NOTHING-NOTHING.StephenB
November 12, 2007
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Why do you want to talk about the philosophical beliefs of the “founders?” I gather from your posts that you are something of an constitutional originalist and are not inclined to defer (philosophically, at least) to the more recent case law on the subject. To that end, I am attempting to build a basis of common understanding as to the conditions that informed the original intent. Within that context we can start to discuss the meaning of the 2nd amendment. However, your point regarding the ambiguous nature of the term "founders" is a good one. Once again, my bad. It does make sense to focus in a little more. So, let me substitute two new questions, while again stipulating that I intend to reintroduce my previous questions later. A. Do you agree that the religious freedoms enshrined in the Bill of Rights are modeled after those found in the 1786 Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom? B. Would it make sense then to focus our attention on Thomas Jefferson, the statute's author, and James Madison, it's champion? Would it make sense to focus on Thomas Jefferson, author of the Virginia Statute of Religiousspecs
November 12, 2007
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ellazimm, I’m not sure what your point is. Are you suggesting that in 1797 the United States Senate agreed that the United States in not a Christian theocracy? Who could argue with that? What that has to do with the point we are discussing is not clear to me.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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specs, I think we are going around in circles. I will answer this one more time. The issue is not what some amorphous group we call “the founders” thought about certain philosophical questions. The issue is the meaning of a text. The text in question is this: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.” We don’t have to guess about what the founders thought this provision meant. I have already elucidated the unambiguous historical facts. They believed the believed the text prevented the federal government from establishing a national church, but it did not prevent the federal government from promoting religion generally. They believed the text had absolutely no application to the states, which could do pretty much what they wanted with respect to religion, including establishing an official state church. Why do you want to talk about the philosophical beliefs of the “founders?” Even if we could identify the members of this amorphous group, surely they did not speak with one voice on these philosophical questions. And even we could identify them and even if we could identify a consensus among them on these philosophical questions, what difference would it make with respect to the meaning of the text? I can see none.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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specs, I take it that we are discussing a point of constitutional law. Accordingly, none of your questions is germane. What the founders, or any of them, thought in their heart of hearts about the moral questions you raise is utterly beside the point. It is for the moment, a point of Enlightenment philosophy that is germane to the constitutional question. But, perhaps I over-reached in trying to determine were we might have common ground with which to start the discussion. My bad. I will withdraw the second and third questions, while stipulating that I may re-introduce them later, and replace them with a new question. So, again attempting to see where we have a common understanding: 1. Do you agree that the Founders viewed the freedom of conscience as a natural right endowed by God? 2. Do you agree that the Founders philosophy informed their construction of the Constitution?specs
November 12, 2007
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In re: (22) I prefer (1) over (2), on the grounds that killing other people is an example of artificial selection, not natural selection. However, there is this to consider: Nietzsche was not entirely wrong when he worried about the nihilistic consequences of Darwinism and other discoveries of 19th-century science. Now, what exactly do I mean by "nihilism" in this context? I mean a condition of being unable to find meaning or significance in a set of established values, while at the same time being unable to feel or imagine one's way into any other mode of valuation. To be a nihilist, in this sense, is to feel that all value has been drained from experience -- or that an unbridgeable abyss has opened up between the only things that could count as value and the world as it is actually experienced. I apologize if that sounds too 'academic,' but it's important to be precise -- esp. with a concept as emotionally and semantically charged as "nihilism." It's been pointed out -- not least of all by Heidegger -- that Nietzsche's proposed "solution" to "the problem of nihilism", namely, the willful creation of new values, is no less nihilistic than the situation it was meant to overcome. (Lest anyone wonder where I'm coming from on this particular issue, my doctoral thesis was The Collapse of Transcendence in Nietzsche's Middle Period (UCSD, 2005).)Carl Sachs
November 12, 2007
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Jason writes: "frankly if people get upset by it, perhaps they should examine why they get upset by it." Exactly. Thank you Jason.BarryA
November 12, 2007
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